Philip
Jenkins, Dream Catchers: How Mainstream
America Discovered Native Spirituality (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2004, $16.95, 306 pages,
ISBN 0-19-518910-8)—Malie Montagutelli, Université
Paris 3 - Sorbonne nouvelle
Philip
Jenkins is Distinguished Professor of History and
Religious Studies at Pennsylvania State University.
He has published widely on contemporary religious
themes, including New Age and esoteric movements (see
Mystics and Messiahs: Cults and New Religions
in American History, published in 2000). Dream
Catchers “describes a radical change in
mainstream American cultural and religious attitudes
over the past century or so, namely in popular views
of Native American spirituality.” [ix]
Thus
Jenkins studies the changing attitudes of mainstream,
non-Native Americans from the mid-nineteenth century
onwards, that is to say from the beginning of the
huge territorial expansion of the United States, roughly
from the 1840s. Ultimately his goal is to shed light
on the themes that he sees present in modern American
religious thinking, such as acceptance of religious
diversity and pluralism, the legal position of religion
and religious toleration, the cultural and religious
impact of relativism, the shifting definition of religious
actions or behavior, the growing recognition of women’s
spirituality, and a growing reverence for the primal
and the primitive. Jenkins’s approach and intention
in this study become clear to the reader when he writes:
“By tracing the images that non-Natives construct
of the first Americans, we learn about the changing
needs of the mainstream society, the gaps that these
invented Indians must fill.” [2]
In
the time span covered by the book, a slow process
is being described: it started as religious toleration
at the end of the nineteenth century and over time
led to the utilization and appropriation of Native
American religions and religious practices by Euro-Americans,
who from mere observers of these religions later became
participants.
As
an introduction to his study, Jenkins attempts to
define what makes a religion, what differentiates
it from mere superstition. He tries to determine why
early non-Native Americans refused to see Native American
beliefs and ritual practices as religions. He notes
that these non-Native Americans first saw Indian practices
as so alien, so removed from their own beliefs that
they simply could not be seen by them as religious
behavior at all, hence they could not be worthy of
the name religion. As a matter of fact, during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Indian religions
looked to Christian missionaries much more like witchcraft,
which they feared and tried to eradicate.
But
during the nineteenth century, to the more liberally
minded, Indian rituals began to appear to be expressions
of primitive darkness and savagery, which rather quickly
came to be romanticized as pristine paganism. That
is precisely the time when religious toleration started
to grow. Thus, the end of the nineteenth century and
the early twentieth century mark the transition toward
a more accepting attitude toward Native spirituality
by non-Native Americans. Jenkins lists several factors
to explain this turnabout: the liberalization of Protestantism,
which became more accepting of other religions; the
expansion of metaphysical thinking; and the impact
of certain social factors present during the periods
of the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era. That is
also the time when new academic traditions and new
disciplines appeared, such as scientific anthropology,
ethnography, and archeology, which greatly changed
Western attitudes toward primal cultures. There were
also various complex social factors and new developments.
First, because of a declining confidence in the religious
mainstream, especially in “respectable mainline
Protestantism,” Americans were starting to look
elsewhere to satisfy their need for mysticism, dramatic
rituals, sense experiences, and they felt a growing
admiration for the primitive, in religion, but also
in art and culture. Consequently, there was the beginning
of a full-scale industry of ethnic tourism, especially
to the Southwest, as the American public wanted to
see the “Indians” in their own environment.
A number of American artists led the way and formed
a bohemian circle in the South West, around Taos and
Santa Fe. They greatly admired Indians as the bearers
of an ancient culture, which they extolled against
modernity. Additionally, women were starting to reject
the authoritarian ways of Christian traditions and
were looking for other sources of inspiration. Some
political factors also played a role, for instance,
the loss of confidence in the government, political
leaders, and more generally in mainstream American
civilization.
Almost
from the start of the book, Jenkins posits as a principle
that time and time again white Americans were attracted
by Indian ways in times of crises and fear for the
future, whether this might be caused by political,
social or cultural changes or threats. He quotes author
Philip Deloria: “Whenever white Americans have
confronted crises of identity, some of them have inevitably
turned to Indians.” [17, quoted from Philip
J. Deloria, Playing Indian (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1998), 156], and he himself writes:
“Through American history, romantic Indian images
are most sought after in eras of alienation and crisis”
[154]. The period of the Great Depression is a case
in point. Commenting on the period, Jenkins writes:
“A number of social trends in these years encouraged
cultural relativism. Above all, the Crash of 1929
and the following Depression raised doubts about the
superiority of urban and industrial Western civilization
and its ability to survive. [...] By the height of
the Depression, commentators were noting a popular
American cult focused on the Indian” [118].
The years of protest around 1970 is another example:
“Given the precedents of the 1920s and 1930s,
it was scarcely surprising that the crisis years around
1970 would lead to a rediscovery of idealized stereotypes
of Indians, or that this vision would acquire specifically
religious dimensions. [...] This was partly due to
the depth of the social crisis in the late 1960s,
but also to the role of the mass media in disseminating
a sense of fear and national fragmentation.”
[160] During such times, Indians offered a model of
resistance, the possibility of finding a rich alternative,
and a means of challenging “America.”
Jenkins
isolates and describes certain decisive periods of
transition during this long history of white/Native
interactions and in the way Native Americans and their
religion have been viewed and understood. The first
of these began around 1917-1918 and developed more
fully during the 1920s. “America’s own
prospects seemed bleak given the political conditions
of 1919-1920, those red years of riots, strikes, race
wars, and terrorism.” [84] Native peoples came
to represent resistance against the forces of modernity,
urbanism, industrialism, mass society, and bourgeois
values. The writers of Indian culture presented it
as one “we Whites” could learn from. Some
wrote about Native Americans as “proto-Christians”;
some also professed the superiority of Indian religion,
contending that Native Americans had retained what
white Americans had lost, forgotten, or destroyed.
Through
the 1920s and 1930s, Native spirituality gained the
status of a valid and respected religion in the American
consciousness. Understandably, various non-Native
cults developed by utilizing some aspects of a particular
Native religion as a focus, a source of inspiration.
“Such idealization would have been inconceivable
if American self-confidence had not imploded.”
[119] Commenting on that period, Jenkins writes about
“an esoteric boom” among white Americans,
a phenomenon that precluded the advent of the New
Age in the late 1960s.
The
next phase, the most important to date, started during
the 1960s, when interest in all things Indian came
to its peak “as Native issues became inextricably
linked with other critical social and political concerns”
[154]. So that “by the mid-1970s, Indians were
established as countercultural icons” [175].
Since then, there has been an explosion of cults,
sects, teachings, and experiments in living derived
from Indian spirituality.
Throughout
this historical account, Philip Jenkins presents many
men and women, some of them writers, artists, philosophers,
anthropologists, who became mediators for this process
of cultural appropriation. Among the most influential
non-Native Americans, a few stand out: anthropologist
James Mooney, who worked for the Bureau of American
Ethnology and published many works, in particular
on the Cherokee, the Kiowa, and the Sioux at the end
of the nineteenth century; George Cronyn, who published
an anthology of Indian poems and chants, The Path
on the Rainbow, in 1918; photographer Edward
Curtis, who published a monumental collection of photographs,
in twenty volumes, entitled The North American
Indian between 1907 and 1930; artists such as
Georgia O’Keefe, Maynard Dixon, and Marsden
Hartley; social worker and activist, John Collier,
who served 12 years as BIA, Bureau of Indian Affairs,
Commissioner starting in 1934, and who “personally
remained the nation’s most cited authority on
Native affairs well into the 1950s” [112], for
many years, his book, Indians of the Americas,
published in 1947, remained the reference
on Indian affairs; Frank Waters, whose father was
part Cheyenne and who published, among many other
works, The Book of the Hopi in 1963, which
exercised a huge influence over the counterculture
of the 1960s and 1970s. In the 1930s, psychologist
Carl Jung, whose theories of myths and archetypes
to explain the human psyche were already well known,
visited Taos and eventually included Native American
symbols in his system of symbolic references. There
were also some influential politicians, at both local
or regional, and national levels. President Theodore
Roosevelt wrote the introduction to The Indians’
Book, written by ethnomusicologist Natalie Curtis
and published in 1907, in which he praised “the
charm of a vanished elder world.” More recently,
Barry Goldwater and Richard Nixon were both strong
supporters of Native Americans’ rights. In 1970,
President Nixon signed a bill returning the sacred
Blue Lake to the Pueblo of Taos.
What stands out in this analysis is the “vast
hunger for Native American spirituality” [1],
which non-Native Americans seem to have felt continuously
since the nineteenth century. What makes Jenkins’s
book of particular interest is his focus on the reinterpretation,
misinterpretation, or even re-invention by white Americans
of this spirituality, a process that has been constant
in the history of the contact between the two groups.
Pro-Indian attitudes and even what might be called
idealization actually started very early in that history
and so did the misunderstanding of Native Americans’
spirituality, rituals, and value system.
In
each period studied, Jenkins evaluates the distortion
which occurred when non-Native Americans adopted Native
American beliefs and rituals. He simply describes
and analyzes the process and the reasons for the distortion;
never does he criticize or condemn. For example, when
presenting John Collier and the extent of his impact
on white Americans’ views of Native Americans,
which was extensive, Collier’s background is
carefully explained. Jenkins stresses his mysticism
and his natural attraction for all things esoteric
as a young man, his concern that “modern civilization
was destroying natural linkages to blood and soil
through ills such as capitalism, urbanism, the free
market, private property and individualism.”
[88] He makes an exhaustive list of the various theories
which influenced the future Commissioner of the BIA.
All this serves to explain that “when Collier
encountered the Pueblos, then, his response was conditioned
by the intellectual baggage that he was carrying,
all the mystical ideas of Volk, race, organic
community, Teutonism, blood and soil, and extreme
antimodernism.” [89] The reader comes to realize
how at times Collier’s understanding of the
Indians and Indian spirituality was indeed highly
subjective, an intellectual construct influenced by
previous readings having nothing to do with the people
themselves: “When John Collier was seeking a
historic precedent for the world he found among the
Indians, he cited the Teutonic community portrayed
in William Morris’s House of the Wolfings”
[114]. This is a mental process that repeated itself
time and time again; each time out of a sort of cultural
and spiritual melting pot came what non-Native Americans
were unconsciously seeking at the time, that is a
new syncretistic spirituality. One example is the
period just prior to World War I, when many groups
were fascinated by esoteric matters as varied as “astrology,
Rosicrucianism, reincarnation, spiritualism, prophecy,
and extra-sensory perception, as well as the mystical
study of lost continents and the Great Pyramid”
[136]. Indians fitted into that profusion as Natural
Mystics: “For Theosophists, Red Indians represented
survivors of ancient continents like Atlantis or Lemuria”
[136].
Jenkins
gives an especially careful account of the many manifestations
of the New Age movement started in the 1970s; New
Age is a heterogeneous movement of individuals and
groups defined by some as a free-flowing spiritual
movement. He describes in full detail the publishing
boom that the “Indian niche” spawned at
the time, a boom that was accompanied by subsidiary
markets in art, video, tarot cards, music, tourism,
and Indian paraphernalia. “These are the products
of a generation of creative spiritual entrepreneurs”
[219]. He points to the new demand for guides and
gurus in Indian spirituality and rituals, which prompted
the arrival of male and female shamanic societies,
medicine men and women, healers, dancers, and visionaries.
He stresses the role of the World Wide Web, which
spread the movement faster and farther than ever before
was possible. In the end, the reader gets a picture
of a well-organized network of commercial organizations
offering goods, activities, and workshops, all for
a price of course.
In
the end, Jenkins shows the actual relationship between
New Age and any Native tradition, past or present,
as rather tenuous. Whatever was borrowed from the
Indians was quickly repackaged so as to appear more
familiar to white Americans, and in these new forms
the elements coming from Native cultures were more
attractive than the teachings from the Bible or other
mainstream religious traditions. Today, “much
or most of what is currently presented as Native spirituality
should not be so described” [218].
As
a conclusion, Jenkins evokes “cultural theft”
and he ends with the same kind of questioning he had
in the beginning concerning Native spirituality, but
this time it concerns New Age practices and adaptations
of Indian spirituality. In spite of all the intense
criticism of them, do New Age adaptations of Indian
spirituality represent a legitimate religious practice?
Or are they merely parody? Do they constitute an authentic
religious system? His discussion on this subject seems
to suggest that, in terms of the relativity of our
postmodern age, “a ‘real’ religion
is one that people are prepared to treat as such,
regardless of the historical or scholarly grounds
on which their views are based. By that standard,
the neo-Native religion of the New Age group is as
valid as any other, and deserves as much respect.”
[249] In spite of the excesses and the commercialism,
he predicts a future for Indian practices by non-Indians
in America and for New Age in general.
This
book will be of special interest to scholars and laymen
who work on, or are looking for thorough information
about New Age and its connection to Native spirituality
(more so than concerning the history of Native Americans
or even the relations with white America, as these
two subjects provide only the general background of
the book). The numerous footnotes (representing 42
pages at the end of the book) contain many valuable
bibliographical references on background works published
long ago as well as very recently. Jenkins’s
style is clear and precise, which makes it a pleasant
as well as interesting book to read.